Metropolitan Ionafan of Tulchin and Bratslav: The Lord has granted me the honor of bearing witness to Him

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In October 2022, employees of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) searched the residence of Metropolitan Ionafan of Tulchyn and Bratslav, and he was charged with inciting religious hatred. The case was brought to Vinnytsia City Court on June 5, 2023. On August 7, Metropolitan Ionafan was found guilty of all charges and sentenced to five years in prison with confiscation of property. His Holiness Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia condemned the decision as unlawful. On August 9, 2023, the Patriarch addressed the leaders of the Local Orthodox Churches, religious figures, and representatives of international organizations, denouncing the fabricated charges against Metropolitan Ionafan. On June 22, 2024, after negotiations initiated by the Patriarch, Ionafan was released. On June 25, a meeting between the Patriarch and the freed Metropolitan took place at the Danilov Monastery in Moscow. In a recent interview with the media, Ionafan detailed the absurdity of the charges and the falsifications during the trial, as well as the reasons behind his persecution by the Ukrainian state.

— First, congratulations on your release. All your hardships are now behind you, and we are happy to welcome you to Russian soil.

— Thank you. My deepest gratitude goes to His Holiness Patriarch Kirill, whose intercession and prayers led to my release. I am also profoundly grateful to everyone who contributed to my freedom.

— The entire Russian Church, without exaggeration, followed your arrest and the subsequent trial. If it’s not too painful, could you briefly recount these events? How did it all begin?

— On October 11, 2022, employees of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) suddenly searched my residence and the office of the Tulchyn Diocese. They arrived early in the morning, turned everything upside down… The mandatory video recording of the search was incomplete: they turned the camera on when they wanted to, and off when they didn’t. And they "found" something — imagine that. In the diocesan office, they "found" a few radical political leaflets calling for the overthrow of the government, the division of the country, and other provocative slogans.

There is no video recording of how and where these leaflets were "found." The policeman who "found" them testified in court that he "didn't remember" where or how they were discovered. The witnesses in court were also confused, scared, and contradicted each other. They did not see where or how the evidence was discovered. My defense witnesses, my clergy, testified that they had never seen these leaflets before and were certain they weren’t in my office.

On my computer, they allegedly "found" files of these leaflets. But my computer had been seized, and the investigators had it for almost a year, doing whatever they wanted with it. The creation dates of the "discovered" files were even later than the date the computer was seized.

According to the investigation, I personally downloaded these radical leaflets from the internet, printed several copies on my own printer to "strengthen" the charges against me, and then snuck into the diocesan office to hide them, not in my office, but in the chancery, in a wardrobe behind someone’s boots. Why? For what purpose? To distribute them to my clergy? To organize a revolution in my diocese, 500 kilometers from the front lines?

Moreover, during the trial, my lawyers conducted an expert analysis and proved that the leaflets were not printed on a home printer but on a printing press: the ink and the way it was applied were different. So, to commit this crime, I would have had to have a rotary printing machine at home! But the judge ignored all these arguments.

— So you believe the leaflets were planted during the search?

— I am completely certain of it. They were planted clumsily, without much effort to cover up the traces. I have never printed or distributed political proclamations. My clergy, my parishioners, and people who know me well can confirm that I am fundamentally a person far removed from politics.

— In your opinion, why did the Ukrainian security services target you? This was essentially a labor-intensive special operation involving a large government apparatus: opening a criminal case, organizing a search, planting evidence, pressuring the investigation and judges, creating a slanderous media campaign, and securing an unprecedented sentence... What did you do to provoke such a response from the Ukrainian state?

— I believe the real reason for the sentence is my stance on the Ukrainian schism. I have repeatedly criticized it in public speeches. It is now forbidden to criticize the church schism or Patriarch Bartholomew in Ukraine. Publicly stating that the schismatics have no canonical ordinations is considered a criminal offense under Article 161, so-called "violating the equality of citizens." The SBU has its experts who produce fake "linguistic analyses" claiming that you "incited hatred." And on this bogus basis, dozens of criminal cases and sentences are being fabricated, including against bishops and clergy.

On January 3, 2022, I published an article on the diocesan website titled "With an Open Helmet, Without a Visor. Notes on the Margins of Recent Events in the Orthodox World," criticizing the church schism and the actions of Patriarch Bartholomew in Ukraine. I wrote that the historical acts transferring the Kyiv Metropolis to the Moscow Patriarchate were signed by Patriarch Dionysius and the Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1686 and are not subject to revision. That the real territory of the historical Kyiv Metropolis under the Ecumenical Patriarchate occupied barely a third of modern Ukraine. That the east and south of Ukraine — vast territories! — never belonged to the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Church, and that all the dioceses there were historically created by the Russian Church. That the schismatics recognized by Constantinople without re-ordination have no canonical ordinations or episcopal grace. And that the pressure Patriarch Bartholomew exerted on other Local Churches, such as on Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria, to recognize the Ukrainian schism, is unacceptable.

This publication was one of the points of accusation against me, and I received a guilty verdict for it as well. The verdict included everything — even my old poems about Russia and the Russian Church (although I wrote similar poems about Ukraine) and publications in Russian media in my support.

— So why did they plant the leaflets during the search?

— To hedge their bets. The charge under Article 161 is weak and clearly political, and it can be challenged in court. But radical political leaflets are a serious state crime; you become an "enemy of Ukraine." Judges are afraid to deliver acquittals on such charges.

— Were your judges also afraid?

— All four judges in our small town of Tulchyn recused themselves from the case. I think they saw that the case was fabricated. I was tried in the regional center, Vinnytsia.

— What was the verdict?

— Five years in prison with confiscation of property. We filed an appeal. While it was being considered, I was under house arrest.

— You mentioned that political charges make a person an "enemy of Ukraine." Are you a Ukrainian citizen?

— I was. I, along with 11 other hierarchs of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, was stripped of citizenship in December 2022, even before my verdict. Without a trial, without investigation, without legal grounds — by a single presidential decree from Zelensky. And even the list of hierarchs who were stripped of citizenship wasn’t officially published; the state kept it hidden: my brothers and I learned about it from the media.

Moreover, we were deprived of a whole range of rights. For instance, I couldn’t use bank accounts or cards, I had no right to medical insurance or legal services, and I couldn’t even pay my utility bills. I survived on the alms of my faithful and clergy of my diocese. In Ukraine, this is called "sanctions," applied against their own citizens.

The Ukrainian Constitution, Article 25, clearly states: "A citizen of Ukraine cannot be deprived of citizenship, … cannot be expelled from the country." But people rarely mention the Constitution there anymore.

When I was transferred to Russia, the papers signed by Budanov clearly stated "prisoner of war." That is, me, a Ukrainian citizen who served the Ukrainian Church and people all my life, was officially declared an enemy of the state, deprived of all rights, separated from my flock, and thrown out of the country! This is lawlessness. The Ukrainian people are silent now, as the classic saying goes. But the Ukrainian people will regain their voice. And then, I believe, they will speak out and restore justice. Those in power now, making such illegal decisions, will answer to their people and history.

— You mentioned that the real reason for your persecution was your criticism of Patriarch Bartholomew's actions in Ukraine. Did you ever consider reaching out to him for support? Do you think he approves of the authorities' actions against you and the UOC hierarchy?

— You might be surprised, but yes, he does approve. I was surprised, at least. In October last year, Patriarch Bartholomew was in Spain, I believe, in Madrid, meeting with his clergy. And in the presence of many witnesses, he stated that the criminal persecution of bishops and clergy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church was justified and deserved! He said that we all broke the law and should be held fully accountable.

This was reported in the Ukrainian media. By then, in August, I had already received a guilty verdict — completely fabricated, based on fake evidence. And I was deeply shocked. I immediately wrote a response to Patriarch Bartholomew. Our holy sites are being taken away, and clergy, bishops, and parishioners are being imprisoned. How can you, the head of the Mother Church, remain indifferent? You should stand up for your flock! But instead, we heard this...

So, it became clear to me that there is no point in addressing him. Many people still believe that Patriarch Bartholomew doesn’t fully understand the situation in Ukraine and that if he knew the full extent of the violence against us, he would condemn it. But I, unfortunately, no longer believe that.

— According to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), there are currently over 100 criminal cases open against hierarchs and priests of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), with more than 26 convictions and 50 suspicions. How do you assess these statistics? Should we expect more verdicts against Orthodox clergy in Ukraine?

— I believe the pressure on the Church will increase. However, the persecutors still fear international exposure, the reaction of the Primates and bishops of other Local Orthodox Churches, and protests from international organizations. They are also hindered by criticism from Western politicians, especially Americans. This is why criminal cases against the episcopate are being delayed. Our hierarchs are simply kept under house arrest or in pre-trial detention for months, subjected to pressure, denied access to lawyers, and prevented from managing their dioceses.

I'm not even talking about the ordinary clergy—they are treated much worse. Our Orthodox journalists are arrested simply for reporting on the violent seizures of churches, for example. If you don't consider the beating of believers as their "voluntary transition to the autocephalous church," you are already a criminal in Ukraine and bound for pre-trial detention.

Conditions in Ukrainian prisons are harsh, especially for the elderly and the sick. Metropolitan Pavel, the abbot of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra, spent about a month in detention, but his health was severely compromised—he suffered a heart attack and required treatment. To free him, believers from all over Ukraine raised and paid an enormous bail—nearly a million dollars. And yet, he remains under house arrest.

Since April, Metropolitan Arseny, the abbot of the Sviatogorsk Lavra, has been in pre-trial detention. Metropolitans Theodosios of Cherkasy and Kaniv, Luke of Zaporizhia and Melitopol, and Pavel of Vyshgorod and Chernobyl remain under house arrest or travel restrictions. A criminal case has been opened against Metropolitan Yevlogy of Sumy and Okhtyrka for his sermons. Metropolitan Theodosios continues to engage in human rights activities even under arrest—he has remotely addressed the UN several times about the situation of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine. The SBU officers have forbidden him to do so, pressured him, conducted five searches, and confiscated his communication devices. They attempted to have him imprisoned to silence him, but so far, the court has not agreed to this.

— What would you like to convey to your fellow believers who are persecuted and suffering in prison?

— "Remember the prisoners as if you were chained with them, and those who are mistreated, as if you yourselves were suffering" (Hebrews 13:3). They know that I pray for them day and night. And that my heart is with them.

A bishop does not have the right to leave his flock of his own will. I was ready to accept my sentence and remain in prison, even unto death. The SBU officers were very eager to exchange me for prisoners of war, persuading me with threats and deception. I do not consider myself guilty, nor do I see myself as a "prisoner of war" of Ukraine—and I refused the exchange twice. When my appeal was denied, and I was supposed to be transferred to a penal colony in two days, I learned of the Patriarch’s petition for my release. Only then did I sign the agreement, obeying the Patriarch's will.

— We heard that you and Metropolitan Theodosios founded a human rights organization?

— In December last year, together with Metropolitan Theodosios and several international organizations, we created an international human rights alliance. We understand that the open persecution of Orthodoxy currently taking place in Ukraine is only part of a global process. The situation for Christians is worsening all over the world, even in "prosperous" Europe. Our rights are being infringed upon, we are being ignored, and a new morality and new rules of church life are being imposed on us.

We are grateful for the public support of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church from the Primates and episcopate of the Local Churches—it is very important now. But this support does not have legal consequences. The idea is to create an alliance of human rights organizations with the participation of Orthodox hierarchs and clergy from around the world. This union would defend the rights of the Orthodox Church wherever its support is needed. We named our organization "The Church Against Xenophobia and Religious Discrimination." In fact, it was in the name of this alliance that Metropolitan Theodosios spoke at the UN.

We invite Orthodox hierarchs and clergy from all over the world to cooperate. For example, our coordinating council includes Metropolitan Timotheos of Vostry and Archbishop Theodosios of Sebastia from the Jerusalem Patriarchate, Metropolitan Gabriel of Lovch from the Bulgarian Patriarchate, and Metropolitan Mark of Berlin and Germany from the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR). Orthodoxy remains unshaken as long as we are united and faithful to the teachings and canons of the Church.

— How do you comment on the recently passed law 3894, which essentially bans the Ukrainian Orthodox Church? Is its total destruction in Ukraine possible, as was the case in communist Albania in the 20th century?

— It’s entirely possible. If it weren’t for international exposure and political shifts, especially in the U.S., the law would have been passed long ago. This law gives the state the right to liquidate our communities on very vague political grounds. Every parish and monastery will have to prove its loyalty to the state.

— And how exactly can they prove it?

— That's the issue—the law doesn’t specify it clearly. The Department of Ethnopolitics, headed by Yelensky, will decide who is "loyal" and who isn’t. I know Viktor Yelensky well—he’s an old Soviet atheist, a faithful Leninist. He wrote scientific papers under the Soviet Union about the harm of religion and how to fight it with Marxist methods. Now this person, in today’s "democratic" Ukraine, will decide which community to close and which to leave. Diocesan bishops, including me, are being told by officials that the only way out is to join the so-called "autocephalous church." SBU officers have made it clear to me and my fellow bishops facing criminal charges that if we join the schism, all our problems will be solved.

— What is the position of the OCU (Orthodox Church of Ukraine)? Does it support the bill?

— Of course, it supports it. Both Epiphanius Dumenko and OCU spokesperson Yevstraty Zorya have repeatedly called for a legislative ban on our Church. Yevstraty Zorya has explicitly demanded the expulsion of our monks from the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra and has endorsed the demolition of our churches. The OCU is the most aggressive toward us. Just look at the recent disrespectful address from Epiphanius to Metropolitan Onufriy, inviting him to a "dialogue"—it’s a deliberate insult! Their call for a "dialogue without preconditions" is an invitation to capitulate on the schismatics' terms. They are waiting for the UOC to be eliminated so they can seize its parishes by force or coerce them to join.

— And what about Patriarch Bartholomew? He created the OCU to "unite Ukrainian Orthodoxy." Does he see this unification as a legislative ban and the destruction of the Church in the country?

— The day after the law was passed, a delegation from the Ecumenical Patriarchate arrived in Kyiv. They came the very next day to divide the spoils, so to speak. The media reports that their goal was to convince the Ukrainian Orthodox Church to surrender, join the schism, or enter the jurisdiction of Constantinople.

— There is talk in Ukraine about the creation of a Constantinople Exarchate for persecuted UOC communities.

— If that’s true, the Exarchate is just another schism. If we agree, we will be forced to serve with people who have no apostolic succession or canonical ordinations.

— Do you think Metropolitan Onufriy would agree to this?

— They say that His Beatitude proposed that the guests publicly condemn the church seizures and the law banning the Church. The representatives from Phanar replied that they couldn’t do that. It’s sad if Patriarch Bartholomew sees this law, which destroys an entire Local Church, merely as a tool for blackmail and a chance to profit. That’s not much different from the position of the Ukrainian schismatics.

— How will the law be implemented?

— The authorities have given the Church nine months to join the schism. Then they promise to "start at the top"—meaning the liquidation of the Kyiv Metropolis and diocesan administrations. It is expected that the church structure will lose its unity after that. Deputy Nikita Poturaev, one of the authors of the law and a close associate of Zelensky, openly stated that their goal is to split the Ukrainian Church into at least three parts and that such a divided and weakened Church is "quite acceptable" for the state. But I’m sure they won’t stop there. Cruelty and dehumanization come to those in power gradually. When they realize that the Church remains united, and the gates of hell have not prevailed against Her, they will start arresting the defiant episcopate and clergy and destroy all parishes that refuse to "worship the beast and its image" (Rev. 14:9).

— What can the Ukrainian Orthodox Church do to oppose this monstrous plan?

— Prayer and the grace of God. Our churches are still full of believers. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church prays despite everything and bears witness to Christ to its persecutors. Did you see the photos of the cross procession in Pochaev this year? We expected 10,000 to 15,000 people, but more than 100,000 came! Believers walked through the entire country, despite the warnings of the SBU, the blockades on the roads, and the military enlistment offices working at full capacity. Even during this difficult time of war, people cling to God. The war, the pressure from the authorities, the informational blockade, and threats of being accused of collaboration haven’t destroyed people’s faith.

 
 

— During the investigation and your house arrest, you suffered a stroke and two heart attacks. Are you receiving treatment, and is your health improving?

— Glory to God for everything. They are treating me well, and the doctors here are very good—top-notch specialists. I feel much better, as the apostle said: "He Himself bore our sins in His body on the cross, so that we might die to sins and live for righteousness; by His wounds you have been healed" (1 Peter 2:24).

I regret nothing. The Lord has granted me the honor of bearing witness to Him, to endure slander and insults for His sake, and to carry His Cross for a little while. This is a great mercy of God toward me, a sinner. I am wholeheartedly grateful to God.

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